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August 30, 2008

Lies And Misdirection From Big Pharma About Preemption

Filed under: Big Pharma, FDA, pharmaceutical giants, pharmaceutical sales, pharmaceuticals — Rod Malcolm @ 5:48 am

The U.S. Supreme Court is about to hear a landmark case that could result in a federal ruling that would essentially neuter drug liability lawsuits against drug makers in all states. Meanwhile, a group of doctors and academics fighting Michigan’s drug preemption law says a policy statement by Big Pharma’s industry lobby on the looming federal case is far less than transparent and straightforward.

A statement from the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA) outlining why federal preemption for the drug industry would be good for the country is “false and misleading in a hundred ways”, says a prominent commenter at Ed Silverman’s Pharmalot blog.

A recent press release from PhRMA’s Senior Vice President Ken Johnson outlines the industry’s rationale for supporting preemption and a ban on state-level product liability lawsuits against drug makers. Lower courts should not try to second-guess the expertise of FDA regulators, PhRMA says, and FDA regs are all that’s needed.

But an informal group of doctors and academics, calling itself ‘Justice In Michigan’, says that the PhRMA release is basically smoke, mirrors, and lies in a series of comments at Ed Silverman’s Pharmalot blog. After reading Ed’s excellent blog, scroll down to see the Justice In Michigan comments. Speaking from the 13 years of experience with preemption in Michigan, the commenter states:

“. . . There is no polite way to say it, so I’ll just tell the truth: It is false and misleading in a hundred ways . . . [one] claim is: ‘State judges and juries may still levy damages against manufacturers that fail to comply with FDA standards.’ If preemption is upheld in the drug arena, that is horse manure.

“As has been explicated on Drug and Device Law — the premier site for lawyers defending preemption — plaintiff and juries that seek to make some case that manufacturers failed ‘to comply with FDA standards’ will be preempted by Buckman, the case which declares, in essence, that only FDA — not private legal actions — can make any claim based on whether a manufacturer was in compliance. . .

“PhRMA is, well, lying.”

Further down the page, the same commenter takes the PhRMA press release apart point by point — it’s too long to reproduce here, but a quick and very enlightening read.

According to a New York Times article last February, the government argues that the FDA competently oversees the drug and device markets, and should not be second-guessed by courts. But the Institute of Medicine, the Government Accountability Office and the FDA’s own science board have all issued reports saying poor management and scientific inadequacies make the agency incapable of protecting the country against unsafe drugs, medical devices and food.

Justice In Michigan was formed two years ago to try to get that state’s 13-year-old preemption law repealed. Michigan is the only state in the union to have a preemption statute, said to be a model of what could become federal law for the rest of the country if the Supreme Court finds in favor of preemption in the case Wyeth vs. Levine to be heard later this year.

So far, repeal of the Michigan law has remained out of reach. But recent surveys show 70% of the populace wants the law to disappear, and many lawmakers are close to making it happen.

Hank Greenberg, a co-founder of Justice In Michigan, is a social ethics lecturer and faculty scholar in integrated medicine at the University of Michigan Medical Center. Greenberg was interviewed not long ago by Ed Silverman about the Michigan preemption law. It’s a short, illuminating and highly recommended read for anyone interested in protecting this latest onslaught from the Bush government to annihilate America’s civil rights.

August 28, 2008

Preemption and the FDA: Placing Our Trust In A Failed System

Filed under: Big Pharma, FDA, pharmaceutical giants, pharmaceutical sales, pharmaceuticals — Rod Malcolm @ 5:52 am

Emotionally-charged critics see federal preemption as anti-consumer, anti-patient-rights, even anti-democracy. But the issue really concerns the ability of a seriously underfunded and understaffed, politically-absorbed and industry-pervaded FDA to do the job that Congress charged with 70 years ago.

In a blog last week I addressed for the first time the issue of federal preemption, and the role that the U.S. Supreme Court is expected to have in deciding whether preemption will become the law of the land.

Preemption is the legal concept that federal (FDA) approval of a drug’s labeling or safety supersedes any claims of inadequacy or error made in a state court.

On Nov. 3, the Court will hear Wyeth vs. Levine, a federal appeal from drug-maker Wyeth Pharmaceuticals arguing that preemption protects it from a Vermont case that awarded $6.8 million to Diana Levine, a musician who lost her right arm below the elbow after being administered Wyeth’s anti-nausea drug Phenergan. Even though the drug’s label complied with FDA requirements, Levine claimed — and the court agreed — it inadequately warned of the dangers of a particular method of administering the drug.

Wyeth, the FDA, and Big Pharma in general argue that federal regulations are the final word on safety and effectiveness. On the flip side, a host of experts all arguing that Congress did not intend to displace state law through the 1938 Food, Drug, and Cosmetics Act that gave the FDA authority to regulate drug labeling and safety.

Many point out the FDA’s long history of failure to ensure proper safety and labeling. For example, a brief to the Court from the editors of the New England Journal of Medicine devotes an entire section to the subject, entitled “THE FDA’S LIMITATIONS AS THE SOLE MONITOR OF PHARMACEUTICAL RISKS ARE ILLUSTRATED BY DRUGS THAT HAD TO BE WITHDRAWN FOR SAFETY REASONS” — which then goes on to list drug withdrawals and other FDA failures.

And a brief from two former FDA commissioners, Dr. Donald Kennedy and Dr. David A. Kessler, eloquently argues against preemption, in particular citing the agency’s woeful lack of success, and Congress’s history of acceptance of the no-preemption status quo:

“In the face of the long and unbroken history of ‘failure-to-warn’ litigation over drug products, and Congress’s refusal to add a preemption provision to federal law, this Court should be especially wary of taking a step that Congress has refrained from taking.

“There can be no question that Congress is well aware of the dynamic between state failure-to-warn litigation and FDA regulation of drug labeling. And there can be no question that Congress has decided that the two systems ought to co-exist, notwithstanding any tension that might arise, because the benefits of permitting the systems to operate in tandem outweigh any costs that might be incurred. That decision is plainly one that Congress is empowered to make.”

Now, says Ed Silverman in his Pharmalot blog, an “ad-hoc group of individuals — who, we are told, coalesced while discussing the topic here at Pharmalot — have posted an Internet petition in hopes of generating enough public awareness to stir a societal debate and, possibly, influence the decision-making this fall.”

In recent years, the agency has grown increasingly underfunded and understaffed, and thereby increasingly unable to do the job. And until Congress provides significant additional support, it will never be able to. State-level tort law, which provides the balance needed to help protect American physicians and consumers, would be rendered powerless by preemption.

August 26, 2008

Merck and GSK Cervical Cancer Vaccine Marketing No Big Surprise

Filed under: Big Pharma, FDA, Merck, pharmaceutical giants, pharmaceutical sales, pharmaceuticals — Rod Malcolm @ 6:00 pm

Fabricating new, creatively-imagined niches for little-needed, badly tested and possibly dangerous drugs is Big Pharma’s stock in trade, so what’s the big surprise about Merck’s malicious marketing of Vioxx and Gardasil, or GSK’s push for Cervarix?

The pharma blogosphere has been humming about recent revelations that Merck & Co.’s marketing division actually created and managed a pseudo-scientific Vioxx clinical trial “seeded” with green-horn family physicians back in 1999, and got the results published in the Annals of Internal Medicine in 2003.

Now the mag’s editors, back-pedaling like mad, say they’ll print the real story in an upcoming issue.

As I blogged the other day, Merck stands accused in the court of public and scientific opinion of running the study strictly for marketing purposes, without informing the 600 inexperienced doctors paid to participate what the trial was really about.

Merck’s marketing division, not its research division, designed the study, and handled the data collection and analysis. In fact, it has been reported that Merck’s head of research tried, and failed, to get the bogus study cancelled.

But now, almost simultaneously with the Vioxx revelations, comes a provocative story in the New York Times by science writer and physician Elisabeth Rosenthal, raising important questions about Merck’s massive marketing push to vaccinate every girl in America from 11 to 26 with Gardasil, its vaccine for sexually-transmitted virus-related cervical cancer.

And Merck isn’t alone in aggressively marketing a vaccine for the new “disease of the moment”. As Rosenthal reports in the Times, even the normally stingy British National Health Service has been persuaded to start giving Cervarix, a similar vaccine from GlaxoSmithKline, to every 12-year-old school girl in Britain this September.

“The lightning-fast transition from newly minted vaccine to must-have injection in the United States and Europe,” writes Rosenthal, “represents a triumph of what the manufacturers call education and their critics call marketing. The vaccines, which offer some protection against infection from sexually transmitted viruses, are far more expensive than earlier vaccines against other diseases — Gardasil’s list price is $360 for the three-dose series, and the total cost is typically $400 to nearly $1,000 with markup and office visits (and often only partially covered by health insurance).”

In terms that are more easily understood, the U.S. government will shell out at least $1 billion for the Gardasil-for-everyone program, primarily for low-income families without insurance. And health insurers have to come up with a lot more, boosting everyone’s rates.

In developed countries, cervical cancer is extremely rare, and can be detected in time for successful treatment with regular Pap smears. Not only that, the new vaccines only protect against 70 percent of cervical cancers, meaning Pap smears will still have to be continued anyway. And no one knows the long-term effects of either vaccine, especially on young, still developing and growing bodies.

But creating profitable niche markets at enormous expense is what Big Pharma does best, because the rewards can be colossal (cheering from Wall Street and shareholders here). So there’s little surprise and not much new in all this, except perhaps the scale of the thing.

For the cervical cancer vaccines, it has spent hundreds of millions of dollars in advertising and promotion to make parents feel guilty if they don’t get their kids vaccinated, creating tremendous fears and pressure among preteens and teens who are not yet sexually active about a sexually transmitted disease. Untold millions more have gone into recruiting and training hundreds of doctors to give talks about Gardasil — at $4,500 a lecture, and some have made hundreds of thousands of dollars. Untold millions more again lobbying state and federal governments to either legislate the vaccinations as mandatory, or at least pony up $billions to pay for the vaccine programs.

Big Pharma once again has crash-marketed new drugs that provide little or no benefit to cost, and have had zero long-term testing for side effects — all while our boundlessly ineffective FDA watches numbly, cheering humbly, from the sidelines.

So what else is new?

August 22, 2008

The Smoking Gun: Merck Memos Prove Vioxx Study Was A Marketing Ploy

Big Pharma has been suspected for years of “seeding” research studies to gain marketing benefits, but there was no “smoking gun” proof until Vioxx litigators unearthed internal Merck memos.

Proof that Merck & Co. “seeded” a research study into the comparative benefits of its painkiller Vioxx — the now-withdrawn drug that has brought Merck a hailstorm of lawsuits for alleged side effects — has come to light during litigation research.

According to an AP News story this week, the study was “primarily a stealth marketing strategy”, the real purpose of which was to get lots of doctors and patients into the habit of using Vioxx in time for the product launch.

“Seeding” refers to loading a study project with physicians who are inexperienced in clinical research. Merck’s Vioxx study employed some 600 family doctors new to clinical research. Each doctor received a stipend plus fees for recruiting a handful of patients to participate. Clinical trials are usually conducted by a few experienced specialists at major teaching hospitals that each recruit hundreds of patients.

Merck touted the 1999 study, called ADVANTAGE, to participating doctors and patients as a means of showing whether Vioxx caused fewer stomach problems than another painkiller, naproxen. The company maintains it was a valid scientific inquiry.

But doctors hired to review roughly a million Merck documents for plaintiffs’ lawyers preparing for trials in Vioxx lawsuits found internal Merck memos discussing the marketing strategy behind the study — some even showing it was designed by the marketing division.

According to the Annals of Internal Medicine, which published Merck’s original report on ADVANTAGE in 2003, it was misled by the faux science and published the results. But now it says drug companies have been suspected for years of doing “seeding” studies — bogus, marketing-driven “research” thinly disguised as science — and says the magazine will publish the new findings later this month.

Ah, Big Pharma — you can run, but you can’t hide.

August 18, 2008

Preemption: What It Is, And What It Means To America’s Drug Consumers

Should a patient harmed by an FDA-approved drug or device be allowed to sue under state consumer protection and safety laws? The Supreme Court will hear a case in November that could decide the issue of federal “preemption” that would end state-level suits against Big Pharma and medical device makers.

In the murky, money-swirling world of Big Pharma, medical device makers, and high-priced defense lawyers vs. hungry litigation lawyers representing Americans who have been harmed by mislabeled or inadequately-tested drugs and devices, “preemption” is the catch-word of the day. And billions of dollars in potential product-liability lawsuits are at stake.

“Preemption” refers to federal law superseding state law, rendering state law, such as personal injury cases, null and void.

In the case of Wyeth vs. Levine, to be heard this November by the U.S. Supreme Court, the concept of preemption and its legal facets are expected to be tested more rigorously than ever before.

Wyeth v. Levine is an appeal from Wyeth, following the firm’s loss in a Vermont case that awarded $6.8 million to guitarist Diana Levine. A mishap involving Wyeth’s anti-nausea drug Phenergan led to the loss of her right arm, ending her musical career.

The Vermont jury and the state’s Supreme Court found that Wyeth failed to adequately warn the public and doctors about the drug’s dangers if improperly injected.

Wyeth’s appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court argues that the company is protected, because the Food and Drug Administration approved the label — a clear case of federal regulation preempting state law.

Preemption has been the subject of litigation since the 1990s, with numerous decisions from the U.S. Supreme Court already delivered — but none fully covering all the bases. This new case could take it all the way to an end of personal injury lawsuits as we know them, and could spill over into all other federally-regulated products, not just drugs and devices.

The Bush government has been whittling away at various laws for years, making preemption more of a reality with each subtle tweak. Now the government — the Solicitor General, along with bigwigs at Justice and over at Health and Human Services — is supporting Wyeth’s position on behalf of the FDA. It has filed a brief calling for preemption and a reversal of the Vermont decision.

All the usual suspects — corporate lawyers and political lobbyists — are lining up with their bottomless bags of $millions to help fund Wyeth’s case — including the American Chamber of Commerce, which, according to reports in the media, has pledged to raise $40 million to hand over to any supportive congressmen running in November.

Meanwhile, the attorneys-general of 47 states, two world-famous physician-educators who are both former FDA commissioners, several members of Congress (they may not have heard about the COC’s $40 million yet), constitutional experts, and no less than the editors of The New England Journal of Medicine, have all filed briefs arguing against preemption. The law firm representing Levine is blue-chip, but they certainly don’t have the kind of money behind them that the pro-preemption forces have.

For those of you with the time and interest in this far-reaching issue, Ed Silverman’s Pharmalot blog contains links to the case briefs and media coverage that you really don’t want to miss. The Wall Street Journal has continuing coverage, some favorable to preemption and some not so favorable.

Personally, I don’t trust FDA’s record on labeling to favor preemption in this case. There’s been far too many cases where labeling corrections came way too late — long after catastrophic losses of life and limb.

Until the mess at the FDA is cleaned up — in other words, when all traces of Big Pharma’s influence at the agency have been removed — and a decent record of real public safety is established, state level injury suits must be allowed to continue.

August 11, 2008

Merck And Schering-Plough Get Beefier RICO Threats

A federal judge recently said Lilly could be ‘barely’ liable under RICO for off-label marketing practices, and now Merck Schering-Plough is accused of “indictable” RICO offences in a civil suit filed by a New York county government.

The Shearlings Got Ploughed blog reports that the local Suffolk County, NY, government has filed a civil suit in New Jersey federal court against Schering-Plough and its joint venture with Merck, among others, that “takes important new strides in alleging RICO pattern activity — calling Schering’s and Merck’s conduct here ‘indictable’.”

Although there have been other RICO putative class action cases against Schering-Plough and Merck over its cholesterol drugs Zetia and Vytorin, the new Suffolk County complaint is significant because it “represents a new level of gravitas in the ENHANCE litigation maelstrom now besieging Schering-Plough and its executive leadership,” the blog says.

It’s more serious, the blog suggests, because “a local-governmental agency is now effectively swearing that Schering has committed RICO-indictable pattern racketeering by concealing the results of ENHANCE research for almost two years — while the good people of Suffolk County, New York were forced to pay greatly-inflated prices for a drug that was no more effective than those much cheaper statins.”

Click here to see a marked-up copy of the relevant page in the complaint.

The suit alleges consumer protection, false advertising, securities and other violations in connection with the ENHANCE study delays and non-disclosures, various statements by the company and executives, that relate to the drugs’ effectiveness.

With similar charges being suggested against Lilly over Zyprexa, and all the other legal problems Big Pharma continues to face, it’s obviously time for pharmaceutical execs to get out of the huddle with PR flacks and sit themselves down in front of a mirror. Crafting evasive media statements for investors, doctors, patients, employees, and all the rest is not cutting it.

The Emperor Isn’t Wearing Any Clothes

The abandonment of psychotherapy by thousands of psychiatrists in favor of prescription drugs tells us that psychiatric ‘talk therapy’ never worked. And since drugs don’t provide any answers either, and in fact carry enormous risks, what has psychiatry ever really done for anybody?

An article in the August issue of Archives of General Psychiatry reports that the use of anti-depressants is replacing psychotherapy for a significant number of psychiatrists. Thousands of them, the article says, are dropping ‘talk therapy’ in favor of the quick prescription, and it’s an expanding trend.

Financial incentives, the author suggests, have brought about the switch from talk therapy to drugs, motivated by reductions in insurance payments for psychotherapy, increases in the number of ‘managed care’ patients (HMOs and PPOs), and rapid growth in ‘psychopharmacology’.

Study author Dr. Ramin Mojtabai of Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health in Baltimore said insurance company reimbursements for a 45-minute psychotherapy visit are now less than an equivalent amount of time consumed by three 15-minute ‘medication visits’ — patient pit stops for a quick prescription.

And don’t forget the thousands of patients who seldom, or never, see their doctor again after the first visit, depending instead on phone-in prescription renewals.

Meanwhile, the number of psychiatrists studying psychotherapy as a specialty is also dropping, the article says, with a corresponding increase in pharmacotherapy specialists. This portends that even more legal drug-pushers will soon be hanging out their shingles.

These developments clearly say what most of us have always known or suspected:

Psychotherapy, and basically, let’s admit it, that means psychiatry itself, is no more than a failed experiment.

Many cogent arguments also exist, beyond the scope of this blog, that detail how psychiatry, in general, has done more harm than good, and continues to do so at an accelerating rate through its complete devotion to drugs. The gallop, nay the stampede, to push drugs on a troubled population instead of helping it find the answers it needs is among the most telling of those arguments.

We already know — come on, everyone knows — that psych drugs, or any drugs, provide absolutely zero answers to the meaning of life and one’s place in the scheme of things. And these are answers that almost anyone with a functioning mind needs and wants.

Plus, psychoactive drugs bring with them the constant risk of dependency, and a list of side effects as long as your arm — everything from feeling plain lousy to taking an arsenal to school and murdering a dozen or two classmates.

If psychotherapy had ever actually worked, psychiatrists’ medical ethics would have led to demands for adequate compensation from insurers. It’s called the Hippocratic Oath. There was no effective demand, and that speaks volumes about psychotherapy.

And psychiatry hasn’t just abandoned psychotherapy, it has abandoned its very raison d’etre — to help mankind achieve a higher level of existence by actually explaining life and solving his problems. That never happened either, which says everything.

I think psychiatry acknowledged its failure a long time ago, when it found, or was found by, Big Pharma. Either way, it was a match made in, well, somewhere. And for both of them it’s been the pot of gold at the end of the rainbow, and a leap from the frying pan into the fire for anyone else who buys into the psych drug lie.

With Big Pharma as its supplier, psychiatry has become the biggest drug cartel in history. Under its malevolent care, and with the approval and encouragement of educational, health care and governmental institutions, everyone from the cradle to the grave is persuaded to bury their questions about life in an impenetrable pharmaceutical fog, forever.

That is not a higher level of existence by anyone’s reckoning.

Most appalling has been how psychiatry has gathered unto itself an almost unlimited god-like power and clout. With few if any successes, and many would argue no statistics at all to back up its claimed omniscience, it’s clear that psychiatry’s power is utterly unwarranted.

As the child in the old fable said, ‘Look, the emperor isn’t wearing any clothes!’

August 6, 2008

Zyprexa Judge Skewers FDA And Lilly In Zyprexa Case Findings

“We will NOT proactively address the diabetes concern,” the Zyprexa sales force was advised in 2002. “The competition wins if we are distracted into talking about diabetes.”

In his scathing review of evidence against Eli Lilly Co.’s practices of selling the antipsychotic Zyprexa into non-approved markets, US District Court Judge Jack Weinstein said the FDA’s acquiescence to pressure from Big Pharma is a major failure when compared to systems in other countries.

“Compared to its peer agencies in other parts of the world,” Judge Weinstein said, “the FDA has arguably failed consumers and physicians by over relying on pharmaceutical companies to provide supporting research for new drug applications; by allowing them, through lax enforcement, to conduct off-label marketing; by acquiescing to industry pressure on drug labels; by not requiring doctors-the main line of defense against misusing prescriptions-to be adequately informed; and by leaving information dispersal and control largely to industry-influenced medical journals and non-governmental associations. The result of such claimed governmental failures arguably causes overuse and overpricing of pharmaceuticals, resulting in mass litigations such as this one for Zyprexa.”

Documents introduced into evidence “could suggest to jurors inadequate controls of the pharmacological research, distribution, delivery, use and payment systems in the US: failure of the federal and state protective agencies upon which users of pharmaceuticals primarily depend to protect against overpricing and misuse, and, in particular, the FDA’s lack of adequate research and control over marketing.”

As well as the skewering the FDA, reports Ed Silverman in his Pharmalot blog, the judge said Lily crossed the line to such a degree that a jury could find liability under RICO, the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act of 1970.

Silverman writes that the judge “went so far as to say there is ‘some merit’ to the allegation that ‘Lilly exaggerated the utility of the drug, both on and off-label, and de-emphasized its dangers, in order to support an excessive price. Evidence of defendant’s alleged failure to disclose its products’ side effects, its violation of obligations of transparency, and its deliberate encouragement of off-label use, permits — but just barely — a jury finding of liability under RICO’.”

And in another blog, Silverman reports on recently unsealed documents from the State of Alaska’s suit against Lilly over Zyprexa marketing and pricing.

Lilly’s research showed some patients on Zyprexa gained as much as 80 pounds and that the incidence of high blood sugar at diabetes levels was 3.5 times higher than for placebos, and that doctors were already suspicious of the situation.

“We believe it is essential to weaken this link to neutralize the diabetes/hyperglycemia issue,” Lilly wrote in a instruction sheet to its sales force. “Neutralizing any concern from our customers will be essential to the future growth of Zyprexa in the marketplace.”
And before the Zyprexa label was finally changed in October 2007 to warn of the dangers, Lilly didn’t instruct its sales force to say Zyprexa’s diabetes rates were higher. Instead, the Zyprexa sales force was advised: “We will NOT proactively address the diabetes concern. The competition wins if we are distracted into talking about diabetes.”

August 5, 2008

Big Pharma’s Money And Political Clout Gutted The FDA

An analysis of the problems plaguing the FDA suggest that Big Pharma’s money and influence with the political right systematically gutted the FDA’s capabilities and ruined public confidence in the once-respected agency.

In a recent blog on Big Pharma’s propensity for marketing off-label uses for drugs, I quoted from a GAO review of the FDA’s policing of pharma marketing that says the FDA is “ill-equipped to catch even blatant marketing abuses by drug companies” — the finger of blame pointed squarely at the b-a-d agency.

Such a view is generally the public’s ‘take’ on the FDA — it’s bad to the bone, caring more for the health of its Big Pharma, Big Food and Big Politic masters than it does about the health of the people it’s supposed to protect, American consumers. And it’s pretty darn incompetent at doing what little it does do, too, judging from comments in the media.

But there was a time, only 20 or 25 years ago, maybe a bit more, when the FDA was a trusted and respected institution. In that two decades or so, something dreadful happened, not just to the agency’s image, but to its actual ability to do the work for which it was created.

There have been no end of published opinions about the agency’s faults and failings, its inner machinations and personnel problems, but very little about how all this came to be — and differing opinions about that, too.

Greg Anrig, vice president of policy at The Century Foundation, recently published a very succinct and telling analysis of what really crippled the FDA and poisoned public opinion against it.

Anrig’s article “Who Strangled The FDA?” in The American Prospect, reveals facts and figures that clearly suggest a concerted campaign begun during the two-term Reagan presidency, when the FDA staff was cut 30 percent and Reagan himself accused the agency of “murdering” Americans by taking too long to approve new drugs.

“After a reprieve from 1988 to 1994,” Anrig continues, “when more moderate presidents and a Democratic Congress provided ample boosts in the agency’s budget and staffing, the FDA’s garroting resumed with a vengeance in the wake of the 1994 Republican landslide that catapulted Gingrich to the House Speaker’s chair.

Gingrich “led a highly effective jihad against the agency, pushing to privatize many of its activities . . . [dubbing] the FDA the ‘number-one job killer in America.’ That accusation was applauded by the pharmaceutical, medical-device, and food industry funders of both the Republican Party and conservative think tanks, reinforcing their threats to relocate to countries with less stringent regulatory oversight.”

Under George W. Bush and the Republican Congress, the onslaught continued with a further decline in staff, from 9,167 to 7,856, while its funding increased by only two-thirds of the amount needed to match inflation.

Anrig points out that:

• During the past 35 years, the decrease in FDA funding for inspection of our food supply has forced FDA to impose a 78 percent reduction in food inspections, at a time when the food industry has been rapidly expanding and food importation has exponentially increased. FDA estimates that, at most, it inspects food manufacturers once every 10 years.

• Even as the number of “adverse events” from prescription drugs has increased by 146 percent from 1996 to 2006 — to 471,679 last year — there has been no increase in FDA personnel to review those reports.

In the 1970s, Anrig says, the FDA was “among the most respected public agencies, with a public confidence rating of 80 percent. By 2000, that level had dropped to 61 percent; last year, it was just 36 percent. Quite clearly, the conservative movement has accomplished its mission of causing the general public to share its hostility toward what was once an admired governmental institution.”

August 1, 2008

How Can The FDA Be Trusted To Monitor Imported Drug Safety?

It’s true that FDA is under-funded and under-staffed in key areas of drug safety, but these can be reversed with proper financing. What really needs to be addressed are the individuals at all levels of government that dangle from Big Pharma’s purse strings.

In a recent, rather stunning op-ed piece in the Ft. Worth Star-Telegram defending Big Pharma’s campaign against Canadian and foreign drug importation, a Big Pharma apologist wrote that drug safety concerns cannot be entrusted to the FDA, because the agency is basically incompetent.

“It would be up to the FDA to make sure all imported drugs are safe and effective,” wrote Peter Pitts, a former associate commissioner of the FDA, and now president of the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest, a Big Pharma-funded mouthpiece group. “As the salmonella case illustrates all too clearly, such a promise would be almost impossible to keep.”

In other words, writes Cary Byrd, founder and president of eDrugSearch.com, “Big Pharma, which has advocated and overseen the gutting of the FDA’s regulatory capabilities over the past two decades, now says, ‘Sorry, but the FDA just doesn’t have the regulatory capabilities to monitor drug imports.’”

“That’s chutzpah.” Writes Byrd. “It’s akin to a child murdering his parents, then begging the court for mercy because he is an orphan.”

The net result is the exact situation Big Pharma intended: a domestic market protected against cheaper imports through the regulatory weakness it helped bring about, guaranteeing billions of extra dollars a year for its executives and shareholders.

Says Byrd, the solution for repairing the situation to the benefit of all American consumers is to take two simple steps:

1. Extract the corrupting tentacles of Big Pharma from the FDA;

2. Dramatically increase funding to the FDA to ensure the organization has the resources to keep the public safe.

“Sadly,” Byrd says, “the pharmaceutical giants — their protestations that they’re concerned for your safety to the contrary — want neither of these things to happen.”

To make all drugs as safe as possible, including imported drugs, we need to get Big Pharma’s money and influence out of the FDA, out of the House and Senate, out of the White House, out of all State governments, and out of medical schools, hospitals and doctors’ offices. Sure, keep Big Pharma’s drug information pipelines, but once and for all get rid of the bribery, gifts and political wallet-stuffing that costs Americans billions of dollars and, too often, their lives.

We need to fully fund our agency with all the public money, and all the talented and dedicated people it needs, to do the job right.

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